17: QDDALE

An October 2, 1959 dispatch from Miami’s CIA Western Hemisphere Division (WHD) Representative Patrick I. Karnley to the CIA’s WHD Chief J.C. King refers to William Douglas Pawley as QDDALE, the cryptonym established for him by the CIA’s Clandestine Services. Karnley reported that Pawley wished he had a tape recording of his meeting with wealthy Cuban exile Fabio Freye who seeks to topple Castro. Karnley’s dispatch also mentioned a discussion of staging an invasion against Castro from an uninhabited British island, but it was assumed the British government would balk at its usage.1

Eleven days later the CIA’s Martha Tharpe (Margarite Forsythe) recapped discussions of the use of the British island of Nassau and noted that “QDDALE is a prominent U.S. businessman in Miami with good contacts among Cuban exile groups.”2

The QD prefix appears to relate to anti-Castro activities within Cuba. In 1998, the National Archives Kennedy Assassination Collection contained 49 QDDALE documents from 1960 to 1964 in addition to 978 Pawley documents which first appear in 1950.3

Among the earliest of the dozen plus documents on QDBIAS (Pedro Diaz Lanz) is a nearly illegible one from August 1959 discussing a meeting with QDCHAR (Marcos Diaz Lanz) and QDCOVE (Ricardo de la Lorie aka Ricardo Luis de la Lorie-Bals aka Ricardo Lorie Valls) that mentions Frank Fiorini (aka Frank Sturgis) who “talks too much.”4 

A September 4th cable expressed CIA Headquarters “interested learning more about QDBIAS group in Cuba. Proceed as suggested taking due precautions through use of cutout to protect ODACID [U.S. State Department] from charges of abetting counterrevolutionaries.” 

A comment noted that Havana “Station officers had met with
Angel Ros ... a member of the QDBIAS group.”5 Angel Sebastian Ros Escala was the national coordinator of the MRR and a splinter group, who would flee to Miami several months later and become AMPALM-10.6 (In the years that followed he became a double agent for Castro using the name Raul Gonzalez.)7

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18: Controlling Cuban-Exile Chaos

Publicly Vice President Richard Nixon was asserting that the U.S. should take a hands-off approach to Cuba and hope for the best.1 But in fact, Nixon had been dealing with the issue of Castro since at least April 19, 1959, when he met with Castro and then “prepared a 4-page secret memorandum and sent out copies to President Eisenhower, Secretary Herter and to Allen Dulles.” Herter was serving as Secretary of State in place of an ailing John Foster Dulles who coincidentally was hospitalized at the same time as former Secretary of State George C. Marshall. Dulles died May 24, 1959, while Marshall passed October 16, 19592 leaving a hole in William and Edna Pawley’s personal lives and William’s sphere of influence.

In the 12 months since Castro ascended to power, the Cuban government had expropriated 70,000 acres of property owned by U.S. sugar companies and United Fruit. Once again, the company would call for U.S. action to overthrow a government.3 

The tsunami of Cuban exiles arriving in the U.S. made that mission seem easy if someone could vet them to determine the best future political leaders and organize an effective fighting force.

On January 3, 1960, President Eisenhower announced that the U.S. was severing diplomatic relations with Cuba. On January 13th a Special Group meeting attended by CIA Director Allen Dulles and Livingston Merchant from the State Department discussed “Anti- Castro Activities.” With these actions and Eisenhower's March 17th approval of a plan to invade Cuba, he was in essence establishing an undeclared war that would hang like an albatross around Uncle Sam’s neck.

The CIA began dealing with Fidel on a formal basis on January 8, 1960, when Director Allen Dulles asked Deputy Director of Plans Richard “Dick” Bissell to organize a special task force. Ten days later the Western Hemisphere Division “organized Branch 4 (WH/4) as an expandable task force to run the proposed Cuban Operations” manned “with 18 at Headquarters, 20 at Havana Station, and 2 at Santiago Base.”

Heading WH/4 was Jacob “Jake” D. Esterline (aka Jacob Engler) who had gained “extensive guerilla warfare experience in World War II with the OSS” and was “one of the principals in Project PBSUCCESS” in Guatemala in 1954. “Esterline was the choice of J.C. King, Chief, WH Division.” As head of the WH/4 Cuban unit during the fifteen-month run up to the Bay of Pigs invasion, Esterline took his orders from the Deputy Director Plans Richard Bissell but frequently had direct contact with J.C. King and the Miami-based Cuban expert, William Pawley. Both were to be reckoned with because they “had known Republican Party affiliations.”4

King’s full role during the period and many interactions with Pawley will never be known. His papers that once filled eight safes—then only two—disappeared, according to an official history of the period.5

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19: CIA Informant R-1

In late September 1959, the CIA’s Bernie Reichardt asked whether the Agency “had any information on Fabio Freyre, a nephew of Julio Sanchez, who is Bill Pawley’s next door neighbor.” Freyre gave Pawley “some important material” which Pawley “will forward as soon as possible.” Pawley also “told Bernie he will try to get a job for General Martin Diaz Tomayo”1 (one of those who had been selected for the post-Batista junta) giving Reichardt the impression that the Spanish-speaking Miamian was continuing the job-finding role he played in Panama.

When Pawley and Reichardt discussed Freyre, “Pawley suggested to Bernie that a recorder and mike for his office would be a good idea since it would permit him to make recordings of the conversations with Cubans and Dominicans who come in to discuss political matters.”2

As a result, plans were made to survey Pawley’s office to install a recording device and the “mike and wire installation was made on 15 October 1959 by employees of an Office of Security field office” according to a 1975 memo summarizing the agency’s relationship with Pawley that was finally declassified December 15, 2021.3

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21: Dictating to Dictator Trujillo

Pawley’s entrepreneurship and bilingual skills led to global success and wealth that gave him easy access not only to U.S. presidents but also to Generalissimo Trujillo, the dictator of the Dominican Republic, who profited so much from the Pawley family’s thriving businesses that William believed he could dictate the course of the country. In 1955, Trujillo asked Pawley to help him write laws to attract U.S. investment in oil and minerals. That same year, Vice President Nixon was criticized for embracing the dictator.

On January 20, 1960, Jane Atherton Roman, who served as liaison between the CIA and FBI as a senior aide to CIA counterintelligence head, James Jesus Angleton, received a document that listed Edward Pawley as the subject. One who read it wondered if it was actually about his brother, William. The document noted that following trips to Florida and Cuba, “Catherine Taaffe, whose activities are well known to the intelligence community” advised that “there was a widespread belief among Cubans that the United States Government, and specifically CIA, was sponsoring anti-Castro plotting” and, according to former Havana lawyer Francisco Rodriguez Couceiro, Edward Pawley was working with the CIA on the effort. The document had a handwritten note: “Probably Wm D. Pawley Miami.” Mrs. Roman wrote beneath it: “Or his brother, Edward, who represents the Pawley business interest in the Dom. Rep.”

An English major graduate from Smith College, Jane Atherton worked in advertising then served in the OSS in 1944. A decade later, she married CIA co-worker Howard Edgar Roman who became a researcher for two books written by CIA Director Allen Dulles. Ten weeks before reading about the Pawleys activities, Jane Roman had opened the CIA's first file on Lee Harvey Oswald, a U.S. Marine Corps radar operator who, after learning Russian and monitoring U-2 flights over Russia, defected to Russia. By the summer of 1963, William Pawley and Lee Harvey Oswald would both interact with the CIA-funded Cuban-exile group DRE.         

In February 1960 an article appeared in the Miami Herald, titled “Smathers at Conference: Miamian Pawley Had a Part in Trujillo’s ‘Free Vote’ Vow.” While it mentions that Edward Pawley lives in Cuidad Trujillo and manages the Pawley mining and oil interests, the article notes that William Pawley is a longtime friend and an informal “economic advisor” to the Dominican Republic Dictator Rafael Trujillo, who accepted his advice and promised “to hold free multiparty elections within a year.”1

At the Dominican Republic press conference, Senator George Smathers was joined by William Pawley who stated that he had recently sold all of his investments in the country, while assuring the media that Trujillo was not in trouble, even though he recently had broken up a plot to overthrow his regime. Pawley “told The Herald from Washington his motives were ‘patriotic—to keep another Communist regime from forming in the Caribbean.’” He claimed that Smathers and Trujillo “each recognized that the Caribbean is entering a new period. A revision of regimes unacceptable to democratic nations has to be made,’ Pawley added.”2

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22: QDDALE'S Deep Pockets for Special Proposals

Two days after learning that Fidel Castro was aware of William Douglas Pawley’s activities, a cable appears in Pawley’s 201 file with a tantalizing, but redacted, glimpse at the strategy to exfiltrate Dr. Juan Antonio Rubio Padilla in the spring of 1960. The exfiltration operation involved using Pawley’s boat with a “proposed rendezvous off Sand Key light 16 April between Cuban yacht and KUBARK (cryptonym for CIA) for transfer passengers.”1

The day before the rendezvous, Pawley successfully requested a meeting with FBI Miami Special Agents Leman L. Stafford and George E. Davis, Jr. at his own business office where he had his secret recording equipment. According to a memo that the Special Agent in Charge of the Miami office later sent to Director Hoover, Pawley reiterated his praise of the FBI while revealing negotiations with Trujillo. Pawley also dropped some big names. “During the course of the interview, he disclosed that he is a personal friend of the Director of the FBI, as well as President Eisenhower, former President Truman and many other influential people in the United States and Latin America.”

Pawley told the agents he’s “deeply concerned about the communist trend in Cuba and its effect on other Latin American countries, and that he has been in close contact with the U.S. State Department and the CIA relative to this situation.” Understanding the friction between the FBI and CIA, Pawley “expressed admiration for the SIS program formerly operated by the FBI in Latin America during World War II and expressed the opinion that it had been a great mistake to supplant the FBI’s operation with that of another agency.”

Pawley revealed “that he had attempted unsuccessfully to make tape recordings of the two interviews, involving Merola and Bartone which took place in Pawley’s office; however due to a technical error on the part of one of Mr. Pawley’s employees, this recording failed. Mr. Pawley exhibited to agents his recording equipment, which he keeps in a locked closet in his suite of offices, and he offered his facilities in the event this Office [the FBI] ever desired to make a recording of any conversation held there.”

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23: Presidents Come and Go; CIA Remains

In Pawley’s autobiography, he blames two individuals in the State Department for the success of Fidel Castro’s revolution. He put the primary blame on William A. Wieland (left photo) “for engineering the betrayal of Cuba into the Communist orbit.” 

Wieland’s “immediate superior, Assistant Secretary of State Roy Rubottom” (right photo) also was to blame. Pawley saw their complicity as being deeply rooted in ignoring the significance of witnessing “the Red-inspired holocaust in Bogotá featuring Fidel Castro.” Perhaps, intentionally.

During Castro’s rise in Cuba, Pawley noted “Wieland was in charge of Mexican, Central American and Caribbean affairs under Rubottom” and “did all that was humanly possible to brush aside, ignore, short-circuit or refute warnings by experienced American diplomats that Castro was a Communist and that his movement was infested with Soviet agents.”

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24: Pig in a Poke

According to the CIA Bay of Pigs History, the new president was handed a pig in a poke by the previous administration. As early as November 15th, a CIA briefing statement regarding the Cuban situation was prepared for the newly elected president. It stated that the CIA’s “original concept is now seen to be unachievable in the face of the controls Castro has instituted. There will not be the internal unrest earlier believed possible, nor will the defenses permit the type of strike first planned.” 

The CIA then told Kennedy that its “second concept (1,500-3,000 man force to secure a beach with airstrip) is also now seen to be unachievable, except as a joint Agency/DOD action. Our Guatemala experience demonstrates we cannot staff nor otherwise timely create the base and lift needed.” Within the next half-a-year, this seemingly doomed scenario, was transformed into “the Zapata Plan and the Bay of Pigs operation.”1 During the development, Pawley's friend in State, Thomas Mann, would contemplate the use of a former Pawley
associate in China and Guatemala, Ambassador Whiting Willauer (photo), for a key role.   

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