9: Forrestal Plunges into the Cold War

On the Sunday night of May 22, 1949, former Secretary of the Navy and recent first Secretary of Defense James Forrestal was found dead on the ground outside Bethesda Naval Hospital. A few months earlier he had been asked to resign as Secretary of Defense by President Truman and then spent time with Robert Lovett in Hobe, Florida before entering Bethesda Naval Hospital for depression.

While some questioned if he had intentionally died by suicide, fallen accidentally or been induced to jump by experimental drugs or nefarious forces, Senator Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin was convinced that “communists hounded Forrestal to his death. They killed him just as definitely as if they had thrown him from that sixteenth-story window in Bethesda Naval Hospital.” McCarthy also stated that “while I am not a sentimental man, I was touched deeply and left numb by the news of Forrestal’s murder. But I was affected much more deeply when I heard of the communist celebration when they heard of Forrestal’s murder. On that night, I dedicated part of this fight to Jim Forrestal.” McCarthyism was born.1

These were no longer the days of Roosevelt’s “nothing to fear but fear itself.” Now there was much to fear in the world—from Minsk to Vladivostok and Shenyang to Kashgar—and McCarthy knew how to exploit it. Fear of dark, Red forces could get Americans to march in lockstep to the voting booth and oust progressive candidates. A lesson not lost in the 21st century on Rupert Murdoch as he crafted a mix of fear and angertainment at Fox Corporation to build audiences and ad revenue.

James J. Drummey, a former senior editor of The New American, wrote a 1987 defense of McCarthy’s tactics, asserting that the Senator “was receptive in the fall of 1949 when three men brought to his office a 100-page FBI report alleging extensive communist penetration of the State Department.” 

Senator McCarthy vowed to take on the task of awakening America to the danger of communism that had begun in the 1930s and grew worse with the postwar consolidation of State with OSS, the Office of War Information, and the Foreign Economic Administration. One of the nation’s leading patriots, William Pawley, also saw communist sympathizers in the State Department when China fell to the Reds: “this whole fiasco, the loss of China and the subsequent difficulties with which the United States has been faced, was the result of mistaken policy of Dean Acheson, Phil Jessup, [Owen] Lattimore, John Carter Vincent, John Service, John Davies, [Oliver Edmund] Clubb, and others.”2

In the opinion of Pawley and McCarthy, these were not “sincere mistakes of judgment” but something far more sinister. A number of Washingtonians sided with Pawley’s conspiratorial viewpoint, including a young congressman, John F. Kennedy, and William Rusher, who became a counsel to the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and socialized with McCarthy up to the Senator’s death from hepatitis on May 2, 1957 at Bethesda Naval Hospital, where Forrestal met his demise and President Kennedy’s autopsy was performed in 1963.

Following McCarthy’s death Rusher was hired by William F. Buckley to run the business operations of his conservative publication, National Review. Decades later, he spoke publicly about his support of Nixon overthrowing Chile’s President Salvador Allende of Chile, a Marxist who had won the election in the kind of democracy Pawley had envisioned for South America during his ambassadorships. But McCarthyism was so malignant even the patriotism of Pawley’s close friend General George C. Marshall was questioned in the summer of 1951.3

One of the China experts fingered by Pawley, Owen Lattimore, sent a cable to the Associated Press on March 27, 1950, assailing McCarthy’s rantings as “pure moonshine.” Born in Washington, Lattimore had spent most of his 49 years in Asia as a political adviser to Chiang Kai-shek at President Roosevelt's request. He also served as deputy director of the Office of War Information’s overseas branch and was part of Pawley’s reparations mission in Japan and Manchuria following World War II.4

Pawley saw the communist menace as being ubiquitous. From his vantage point in Havana where he was enhancing the transportation system by “substituting 1200 modern buses for the 450 ancient electric cars.” The electric trollies were constantly breaking down and slowly repaired. Collective bargaining in the transit system “‘as I learned the hard way, was often conducted by pistol-packing labor leaders, mostly Communists, backed by menacing squads of goons. Open assassinations on the streets were commonplace.’”

While Pawley could see “Cuba was unstable” with rampant vice under the Presidency of Dr. Carlos Prío Socarrás, Pawley nonetheless accepted Prio’s invitation to start running the Havana bus system like the one he ran in Miami. Time, noted the “tall, tough” 53-year-old millionaire, was “a combination financial wizard and philanthropist” who already “had organized Cuba’s first commercial airline and built most of its airfields.”5

After being turned down by eleven U.S. banks, including the Export-Import Bank, Pawley received the $7.7 million financing from The British Export Credits Guarantee Department which enabled Pawley's Autobuses Modernos to buy 620 buses from England's Leyland Motors. He received a $120,000 commission plus an annual salary.

The Cuban press both attacked and praised the Pawley deal. El Mundo, which had a major financial interest in the distribution of General Motors Coach buses purchased by a competitive bus system in Havana, labeled Pawley in unflattering terms as “a rapacious promoter internationally known for his misdeeds and crooked deals, a buzzard who presents himself to us

disguised as the Holy Ghost, a speculator in shady business, a knave with hands of silk.” But Bohemia praised Pawley as “one of the most distinguished figures in the U.S., whose various enterprises, including aviation firms in India and China, make his biography a true teaching in industry and social service.”

The New York Times detailed the $10 million bus order orchestrated by Pawley. A few weeks later, his name appeared again when the newspaper reported that American aircraft technicians were being outsourced to India to recondition the aircraft Pawley had left behind when WWII ended.6

Pawley’s Autobuses Modernos received a 25-year franchise, which would have lasted until 1975 if President Prío had not been ousted by Fulgencio Batista in a coup d’état7 that was then followed by Fidel Castro seizing control of Cuba, ending Pawley’s annual salary as company president and manager.8

Pawley’s nemesis, lawyer Fidel Castro, had run for Congress as a candidate of the Orthodox Party, while Fulgencio Batista was running for president a second time. Batista soon realized he would not win. Instead, Batista staged a successful coup and cancelled the election, suspended the constitution and became the first dictator in Cuba.9 In April 1952, the Truman Administration officially recognized his government and began sending military and economic aid.10 Soon thereafter Batista began a campaign of suppression, which was met with rebellion by those who opposed the dictatorship. Among those arrested was the head of the transport union, who had been an annoyance to Pawley when the American entrepreneur took over modernization of Havana’s Autobuses Modernos. Marco Antonio Hirigoyen was charged with a five-year old murder. Nine years later, after Castro seized control of Cuba, Hirigoyen fled Cuba to Miami where the Dade County legislature eventually adopted a proposal to name a major street for him based on his labor leadership including his time as Cuba’s “‘Czar of Transportation.’”11 Pawley never received such an honor.

Havana’s hotels and casinos were among the major beneficiaries of Pawley’s efficient transportation system. Each modern bus could carry up to 41 tourists and employees quickly through the city’s traffic to the exciting casinos, glamorous dinner clubs with big name American musical performers, and rooms with easily obtainable recreational drugs and call girls controlled by Mafia kingpins such as Lucky Luciano, Santo Trafficante, Sam Giancana and Meyer Lansky. Lansky personally profited from guests at the Hotel National—the place Pawley called home when he claimed Havana residency before divorcing Annie. Today photos of celebrities and mobsters now grace its walls. Havana was so profitable, Lansky in 1957 built a second hotel, the Havana Riviera, with gold-plated slot machines, that would only be a Mafia profit center until Castro seized control.12

In the fall of 1950, the CIA opened a 201 File on William Pawley (201-262094) and circulated a classified memo covering his biography and business data and dealings.13 A 201 file is created when someone becomes a focus of interest of the intelligence organization.

Pawley was now entrenched in what Thomas Wise dubbed the “Invisible Government” that operates behind the scenes, shaping policy by influencing changes in the power structure of the world. At the behest of William M. Boyle, Jr., an attorney who also was chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Truman assigned Pawley to special missions in the State Department—despite the objections of Secretary of State Acheson whose political leanings Pawley disdained.

As 1951 began, the Korean War was turning into what the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) considered “one of the greatest dangers in history” not just to South Korea which had been established after the defeat of Japan’s control of the Asian peninsula at the end of WWII, but to its 38th parallel defender, the United States of America. The JCS viewed China and the Soviet Union as a potentially united communist front that would launch a global war against the U.S. and believed it was time to double down on a previous change in U.S. policy. “The National Security Council, taking cognizance of the vicious covert activities of the USSR, its satellite countries and Communist groups to discredit and defeat the aims and activities of the United States and other Western powers, has determined that, in the interests of world peace and U.S. national security, the overt foreign activities of the U.S. Government must be supplemented by covert operations.” Thus, “operations of the Office of Special Operations [OSO], the Office of Policy Coordination [OPC] and the Contact Branch of the Office of Operations should be integrated under single over-all direction in an operations division, with its separate administration, within CIA.”

“Plausible deniability” was a keystone. Actions must be “so planned and executed that any U.S. Government responsibility for them is not evident to unauthorized persons, and that if uncovered, the U.S. Government can plausibly disclaim any responsibility for them. Specifically, such operations shall include any covert activities related to: political manipulations; propaganda; economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance movements, guerrillas and refugee liberation groups, and support of indigenous anti-communist elements in threatened countries of the free world. Such operations shall not include armed conflict by recognized military forces and cover and deception for military operations; nor shall they include espionage and counter-espionage as provided for
in NSCID 5.”

The new office overseeing the strengthened OSO/OPC/Contact Branch organization “shall operate independently of other components of the Central Intelligence Agency” and would be led by a “highly qualified ... Assistant Director, CIA” nominated by both the Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense. One “unit shall plan and conduct covert political and economic warfare and propaganda operations in peace and war. All covert operations authorized in peacetime shall be conducted under the direction of this unit.” The Joint Chiefs of Staff would be involved in planning and coordination.14

Within this increasingly dangerous world William Douglas Pawley’s daughter, Annie Hahr Pawley (her name is the same as his ex-wife who now was in a mental institution) proceeded with her wedding plans. She and Hobart Boomer McKay tied the knot in Miami Beach on February 4, 1951.15

Two weeks later the new bride’s dad was sworn in as a special assistant to the Secretary of State. William Douglas Pawley was pleased to see Secretary of Defense George C. Marshall there and four days later sent him a thank you note.16

During his renewed international service to the Truman Administration, Pawley traveled to Paris to discuss the building of ten U.S. Air Force bases in France. Later, he attended a NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) conference in Lisbon, Portugal.17 Despite his experience with Far East matters, the State Department hoped Pawley would keep away from the topic of the Korean conflict out of fear he would inflame the situation.18

On May 1st, Pawley had an off-the-record meeting with President Truman and in July scheduled another meeting with him.19

Pawley’s new activities brought discussions of moving to a furnished home in Washington, DC, and Katherine Marshall commiserated with Edna Pawley saying. “I well know the strain of trying to live in city, country and up in the air – for my life has become a three ring circus ... Spent this week at the Apt in Washington to be with George during his days on the Hill.”20

In June, American Ambassador to Spain Stanton Griffis extended an invitation to Pawley to meet in secret with Generalissimo Franco, whose regime had been condemned by Truman and Acheson. Franco was despised by the British who did not want Spain as a member of NATO because of Franco’s support of Hitler. In turn, Franco himself felt the British were socialists. Thus secret negotiations were essential. As “an expert negotiator on strategic materials,” Pawley’s role was to open discussions on establishing U.S. air bases on Spanish soil.21

Pawley’s travels as an envoy not only took him to Europe, but also to the Near East and South Asia.

Like William, his Cuban-born brother Edward Porcher Pawley Jr. had spent most of the decade in India, China and Burma working for Intercontinent Corporation which had created “India’s only aircraft factory” in Mysore. Edward in effect had been a “‘business manager’” for the Flying Tigers, while William as “executive vice-president of Central Aircraft, which employed and paid the renowned Tigers.” Edward presided over the company When William was named an Ambassador, Edward presided over the company and, in 1949, turned over to the government of India the company’s $10 million ammonium sulfate manufacturing plant in Tranvancore for the “vast improvement in Indian agricultural production and methods.” Intercontinent continued to operate in India exporting “agricultural implements and machines, particularly to the Orient and South America.”22

On June 23, 1951, William Pawley arrived in New Dehli, India and held a press conference during which he reassured India that “there was absolutely no ulterior motive” in America’s sudden interest in the country—not the failure of Truman to prevent the spread of communism within China and beyond. India was simply ripe for foreign investment.23 What he didn’t say was that the U.S. hoped to keep the minerals India possessed that were needed for nuclear weapons didn’t fall into China’s hands.

NEXT CHAPTERS

• 10: Defense Department Troubleshooting
• 11: Going Bananas in Guatemala 1954
• 12: The Doolittle Report on CIA Covert Activities
• 13: CIA Director Allen Dulles Survives the Doolitt...
• 14: Pawley's Caribbean Oyster
• 15: Suspicious Minds
• 16: Find Me Someone to Kill Castro
• 17: QDDALE
• 18: Controlling Cuban-Exile Chaos
• 19: CIA Informant R-1

FOOTNOTES:

1 Milwaukee Speech by Senator Joseph McCarthy in 1952. 

2 Pawley, Russia Is Winning,

3 “The Real McCarthy Record.” By James J. Drummey. The New American, Vol. 12, No. 18, September 2, 1996. Original appeared May 11, 1987.
http://www.thenewamerican.com/tna/1996/vol12no18.htm

“Modern History Sourcebook: Senator Joseph McCarthy: The History of George Catlett Marshall.” Fordham University, 1951. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod/1951mccarthy-marshall.asp

"William Rusher, 87, Dies; Conservatives' Champion." By Robert D. McFadden. The New York Times, April 19, 2011. Page B-16.

During the Nixon administration, often spoke proudly about the U.S. role in General Pinochet's 1973 coup that ousted communist Salvador Allende (leading to his suicide), even though Allende had been elected in a democratic process. Author David Cannon challenged Rusher at a talk he gave in New Jersey circa 1974, pointing out that if Rusher’s contention that it was appropriate to overthrow Allende because he received less than a majority of the vote, then one could argue that President Nixon in 1968 should have been overthrown because he garnered only 43% of the vote (Hubert Humphrey got 42% and George Wallace received 13.5%).

Jennifer Ross, “Human Rights Victories Stir Resentment.” The Washington Times, February 8, 2005.

In 2005, Pinochet went on trial for nine kidnappings and a murder. During his reign from 1973 to 1990, there were 3,000 deaths and disappearances of political opponents; one of Pinochet’s associates, Col. Germain Barriga Munoz chose to leap 18 floors to his death rather than stand trial.

4 “Denial.” Facts on File, March 30, 1950.

5 “Wizard at Work.” Time, March 20, 1950.

6 “British Bus Makers Get $10,000,000 Cuba Order.” The New York Times, June 22, 1950. Page 8.

“India Speeding Up Aircraft Industry: U.S. Technicians Help Convert Surplus Planes—Most Craft Reconditioned.” By Robert Trumbull. The New York Times, July 9, 1950. Page 13.

7 Pawley, Russia Is Winning. Page 348.

The term “hob” is a British colloquialism for “mischievous behavior.” Pawley probably picked it up in India.

8 “Wizard at Work.” Time, March 20, 1950.

9 “Cubans Are Confused, Resentful But Hopeful Over Batista's Coup.” By Herbert L. Matthews. The New York Times, April 17, 1952. Page 3.

10 “Batista Dies in Spain at 72; Unending Exile Succession of Jobs Cuba for Cubans' Public Works Projects.” TheNew York Times, August 7, 1973. Page 73.

11 “Cuban Labor Chief Held for Murder: Arrest of Hirigoyen, Head of Embattled Transport Union, May Test Batista Regime.” The New York Times, June 29, 1952. Page 16.

Miami-Dade Legislative Item File Number: 032032 Resolution codesignating SW 32nd Street from SW 82nd Avenue to SW 87th Avenue as Marco Antonio Hirigoyen Street. Agenda Item Number 7P2D Sept.

WHEREAS, this Board has conducted a public hearing to consider codesignating SW 32nd Street from SW 82nd Avenue to SW 87th Avenue as Marco Antonio Hirigoyen Street; and

WHEREAS, Marco Antonio Hirigoyen was known as the "Czar of Transportation" in Cuba; and 

WHEREAS, Marco Antonio Hirigoyen rose from a trolley driver to head a 9000 member Cuban Transportation Union; and

WHEREAS, Marco Antonio Hirigoyen was a founding member of The International Federation of Free Labor Unions and The International Confederation of Workers, and he co-hosted a television program about union affairs on Miami Cablevision; and

WHEREAS, Marco Antonio Hirigoyen escaped from Cuba in 1961 and arrived in Miami where he immediately continued his labor struggle and became labor steward of employees at Deauville Hotel in Miami Beach; and

WHEREAS, Mr. Marco Antonio Hirigoyen passed away in March, 1987; and

WHEREAS, this proposed codesignation is located in County Commission District 10; and

WHEREAS, this Board would like to honor the memory of Marco Antonio Hirigoyen,

NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED BY THE BOARD OF COUNTY COMMISSIONERS OF MIAMI-DADE COUNTY, FLORIDA, that:

Section 1. This Board approves the codesignation of SW 32nd Street from SW 82nd Avenue to SW 87th Avenue as Marco Antonio Hirigoyen Street.

Section 2. The Clerk of the Board is hereby directed to transmit a certified copy of this resolution to the United States Postal Authority, the Traffic Signals and Signs Division of the Public Works Department and Land Development Division of the Public Works Department, the Police Department, and the Fire Department. 9, 2003.

12 “When the Mob Owned Cuba,” Interview of T.J. English by Simon Worrall, Smithsonian Magazine, October 28, 2016

“Meyer Lansky’s heirs want their hotel back.” By Cindy Adams. The New York Post, March 29, 2016. Page 6. 

“Before the Revolution: Socialites and celebrities flocked to Cuba in the 1950s.” By Natasha Geiling. Smithsonian Magazine, July 31, 2007.

Cuba's reputation as an exotic and permissive playground came to light in the 1920s, when the country became a favorite destination for robber barons and bohemians. Scions like the Whitneys and the Biltmores, along with luminaries such as New York City Mayor Jimmy "Beau James" Walker, flocked to Cuba for winter bouts of gambling, horse racing, golfing and country-clubbing.

Sugar was Cuba's economic lifeline, but its tropical beauty—and tropical beauties—made American tourism a natural and flowing source of revenue. A 1956 issue of Cabaret Quarterly, a now-defunct tourism magazine, describes Havana as "a mistress of pleasure, the lush and opulent goddess of delights."

By the 1950s Cuba was playing host to celebrities like Ava Gardner, Frank Sinatra and Ernest Hemingway. But the advent of cheap flights and hotel deals made the once-exclusive hotspot accessible to American masses. For around $50—a few hundred dollars today—tourists could purchase round-trip tickets from Miami, including hotel, food and entertainment. Big-name acts, beach resorts, bordellos and buffets were all within reach.

"Havana was then what Las Vegas has become," says Louis Perez, a Cuba historian at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It attracted some of the same mafia kingpins, too, such as Meyer Lansky and Santo Trafficante, who were evading a national investigation into organized crime. In Cuba, they could continue their stock trade of gambling, drugs and prostitution, as long as they paid off government officials. The fees, however high, were a small price for an industry that raked in millions of dollars every month.

But while tourists eagerly spun the roulette wheel in sexy Havana, a revolution brewed in the less glamorous countryside. The sugar boom that had fueled much of Cuba's economic life was waning, and by the mid-'50s it was clear that expectations had exceeded results. With no reliable economic replacement in sight, Cubans began to feel the squeeze. Poverty, particularly in the provinces, increased.

Unlike other Caribbean islands, however, Cuba boasted a large upper-middle class. Cubans had fought vehemently for independence from Spain from the 1860s to the 1890s, but by the 20th century, the country had become beholden economically to the United States.

By the late '50s, U.S. financial interests included 90 percent of Cuban mines, 80 percent of its public utilities, 50 percent of its railways, 40 percent of its sugar production and 25 percent of its bank deposits— some $1 billion in total. American influence extended into the cultural realm, as well. Cubans grew accustomed to the luxuries of American life. They drove American cars, owned TVs, watched Hollywood movies and shopped at Woolworth's department store. The youth listened to rock and roll, learned English in school, adopted American baseball and sported American fashions.

In return, Cuba got hedonistic tourists, organized crime and General Fulgencio Batista. In military power since the early 1930s, Batista appointed himself president by way of a military coup in 1952, dashing Cubans' long-held hope for democracy.

Not only was the economy weakening as a result of U.S. influence, but Cubans were also offended by what their country was becoming: a haven for prostitution, brothels and gambling.

"Daily life had developed into a relentless degradation," writes Louis Perez in his 1999 book On Becoming Cuban, "with the complicity of political leaders and public officials who operated at the behest of American interests."

In 1957, a group of students fed up with government corruption stormed the National Palace. Many historians consider this a turning point in the revolution.

Over the next few years, bursts of violence erupted throughout the city. Bombs exploded in movie theaters and nightclubs. Gunshots rang out. Dead bodies turned up on sidewalks and streets.

"There had been an idealization of the [Cuba's] War of Independence and of being a revolutionary," says Uva de Aragon, a Cuban academic now living in Miami. "In this climate, people thought revolution was a solution to problems."

Bloody battles ensued between Batista's troops and the rebels in the mountains. Still, Cubans tried to keep some normalcy in their lives, going to school, watching baseball games and taking cha-cha lessons.

"It was surreal," says de Aragon. "There was a lot of fear in those last two or three years." A teenager at the time, she was particularly aware of what was happening because her step-father, Carlos Marquez Sterling, had run for president against Batista and lost; Marquez wanted negotiation, but Batista's camp claimed power.

All classes of Cubans, including the very rich, looked to the young and charismatic Fidel Castro as their hope for democracy and change. Castro, a young lawyer trained at the University of Havana, belonged to a wealthy landowning family, but espoused a deep nationalism and railed against corruption and gambling. "We all thought this was the Messiah," says Maria Christina Halley, one of Uva's childhood friends. Her family later fled to the United States and now she teaches Spanish in Jacksonville, Florida.

When Castro's entourage finally arrived in Havana in January of 1959 after defeating Batista's troops, Batista had already fled in the middle of the night, taking more than $40 million of government funds.

In protest of the government's corruption, Cubans immediately ransacked the casinos and destroyed the parking meters that Batista had installed. Castro also eliminated gambling and prostitution, a healthy move for the national identity, but not so much for the tourism industry.

More than 350,000 visitors came to Cuba in 1957; by 1961, the number of American tourists had dropped to around 4,000. The U.S. government, responding to increasing intolerance of Castro's communism, delivered a final blow by enacting the trade and travel embargo in 1963, still in place today, closing off the popular Caribbean playground to Americans.

Still, the excitement and solidarity brought by the new government didn't last long, Halley says. Many of Castro's supporters ended up fleeing when they realized his Communist intentions. Between 1959 and 1970, half a million Cubans left the country.

"It all happened so fast," says Halley, who boarded a plane with just one suitcase in 1960, expecting to come back in a few months. Almost 50 years later, she and many others who left are still waiting for a chance to return.

13 RIF 1993.08.03.17:12:28:560028 ~ 11/18/1950 “Biographic and Business Data on William D Pawley.” Subjects: Pawley, W.D.; Business deals; Bio data.

>> Pawley had personal relationships with Walter Bedell Smith, the Director of Central Intelligence, and his successor, Allen Dulles.

• 1951/7/13 Telegram. To: Pawley. From: CIA Director General Walter B. Smith. 

Happy to hear you are comfortably located and feeling much better. Have a thorough rest and report back when you yourself feel ready for duty.

• 1951/8/31 Letter. To: Pawley at the Mayflower Hotel, Washington DC. From: CIA Director Walter B. Smith. 

Smith thanks Pawley for his letter of August 29, 1951 containing a list of individuals, “some of whom you feel could be of assistance to this Agency. I have turned this list over to General Trubee Davison, our Director of Personnel.”

• 1951/8/31 Note. To: A.W. Dulles.
  

I remember our associations together during the war.

• 1951/10/10 Thank You Note.
  

The Honorable William Douglas Pawley

Dear Ambassador, 

I want to thank you for remembering my personal interest in very good cigars and for the box of my favorite brand of Monte Cristo. Looking forward to seeing you soon, I remain,

Sincerely yours,

Allen W. Dulles.

14 “Proposed NSC 10/3 National Security Council Directive On Covert Operations.” Foreign Relations of the United States, 1945–1950, Emergence of the Intelligence Establishment 419. Memorandum from the Secretary of State’s Special Assistant for Research and Intelligence (Armstrong) to the Under Secretary of State (Webb), Washington. March 6, 1950.

15 “Miss Pawley Bride of Hobert B. McKay.” The Miami Daily News, February 5, 1951. Page 7. 

Attendants included Miss Irene Pawley (maid of honor); Mrs. Clifton Pawley, (matron of honor); Miss Anita Pawley and Mrs. George Bishopric. Ushers were John G. McKay, Jr. (best man); William D. Pawley, Jr.; Clifton Pawley; and Robert McKay. The groom was leaving his job at Merrill, Lynch for military service on March 1st.

16 2/23/1951 Thank you note for attending swearing in. From: William Pawley at Mayflower Hotel, Washington, DC. To: George C. Marshall, The Secretary of Defense, Department of Defense. Marshall Library, Pawley Papers, Box #1, folders 1-5.

“Executive session testimony of William D. Pawley, September 2 and 8, 1960.” Committee of the Judiciary’s Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and other Internal Security Laws, Report (December 20, 1960). Pages 712 and 755.

17 Bruce Cumings, The Origins of the Korean War Volume II. Pages 564 and endnote 88, Chapter 4.

World Who’s Who in Commerce and Industry, 1966-67 (Chicago: Marquis - Who’s Who, 1967). Page 1015. 

“Pawley Former Envoy, Made Aide to Dean Acheson.” The New York Times, February 21, 1951. Page 17. 

“Pawley on Mission for Acheson.” The New York Times, June 2, 1951. Page 3.

18 Carrozza, William D. Pawley. Page 172.

19 President Harry S. Truman, Calendar: May 1, 1951, 11:30 am and July 26, 1951, 11:30 am. Harry S. Truman Library & Museum.
http://www.trumanlibrary.org/calendar/index.html

20 May 14, 1951. Handwritten note. From: Mrs. George C. Marshall, Dodona Manor, Leesburg, Virginia, Telephone Leesburg-4. To: Edna Pawley (Marshall Library, Pawley Papers, Box #1, folders 1-5).

21 Jill Edwards, Anglo-American Relations and the Franco Question, 1945-1955 (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, USA 1999). Pages 48 and 230.

“Hoffman and Pawley in Madrid.” The New York Times, June 14, 1951. Page 12.
“Precise account of visit to Spain, of William D. Pawley, 15 June 1951.” National Archives Record Group 330,

Records of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, CD 092-2 (Spain) (1951).
Pawley, Russia Is Winning. Chapter 13.
22 “E.P. Pawley, Jr. Here; Was Ten Years In Orient.” Florence Morning News, May 5, 1949. Page 8-b. 23 “Interest of U.S. Friendly, Pawley Reassures India.” The New York Times, June 23, 1951. Page 5.

 https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1945-50Intel/d419.